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6/30/08

Daring young men in their flying trapezes

By the end of his long career, John Paul Riddle (1901-1989) had received the British Empire award and been inducted into the Kentucky Aviation Hall of Fame and the Florida Aviation Historical Society. But on July 4, 1923 the Pikeville, KY native and ex-Army airman was busy flying his Jenny under the town’s Middle Bridge and barnstorming his way across the countryside.

They were the most exciting daredevils of their day. Stunt pilots and aerialists--or "barnstormers" as they became known--performed almost any trick or feat with an airplane that people could imagine. During the 1920s, barnstorming became one of the most popular forms of entertainment. It was the first major form of civil aviation in the history of flight.

Two main factors helped barnstorming grow in America after the war--the number of former World War I aviators who wanted to make a living flying, and a surplus of Curtiss JN-4 "Jenny" biplanes. During that war, the United States had manufactured a multitude of Jennys to train its military aviators; almost every U.S. airman had learned to fly using a Jenny.

barnstormingConsequently, when the federal government priced its surplus Jennys for as little as $200 during the postwar period (they originally cost approximately $5,000 each), many of the servicemen, who were already quite familiar and comfortable with the JN-4's, purchased their own planes. These two factors, coupled with the fact that there were no federal regulations governing aviation at the time, allowed barnstorming to flourish during the postwar era.

On any given day, a pilot, or team of pilots, would fly over a small rural town and attract the attention of the local inhabitants. The pilot or team of aviators would then land at a local farm (hence the name barnstorming) and negotiate with the farmer for the use of one of his fields as a temporary runway from which to stage an air show and offer airplane rides to customers.

After obtaining a base of operation, the pilot or group of aviators would fly back over the town, or "buzz" the village, and drop handbills offering airplane rides for a small fee, usually from one to five dollars. Pilots could make terrific money for a day’s work. John Paul Riddle, for example, was flying from Pikeville to Cincinnati one day, when he ran out of gas and landed in a polo field, instantly attracting the usual curious crowd. Once refueled, he started taking folks up for rides, making a quick $150 for his efforts.

The advertisements would also tout the daring feats of aerial daredevilry that would be offered. Crowds would then follow the airplane, or pack of planes, to the field and purchase tickets for joy rides.

The locals, most of whom had never seen an airplane up close, were thrilled with the experience. For many rural towns, the appearance of a barnstormer or an aerial troop on the horizon was akin to declaring a national holiday; almost everything in the town would shut down at the spur of the moment so that people could purchase plane rides and watch the show.

John Paul Riddle in cockpitOf all the places that John Paul Riddle had barnstormed, Ohio proved the most beautiful. The "big open fields" and "so many places to land" made Ohio attractive as well because a pilot could generally put his plane down on any farm without anyone noticing.

And so the ambitious young businessman, who had operated a flight training and charter service in eastern Kentucky, moved to Cincinnati in 1925. There he and T. Higbee Embry formed the Embry-Riddle Flying School at Grisard Field, which became a very successful training and aircraft sales company.

Embry-Riddle also carried air mail. They bid on and won the government mail contract route from Cincinnati to Chicago, and soon they were also carrying mail from Cincinnati to Cleveland, Cleveland to Dallas and Chicago to Atlanta. The flying school was incorporated four years later as part of AVCO, which in turn became American Airlines.

The partners also went on to create the Embry-Riddle School of Aviation in Miami, FL, which later became Embry-Riddle Aeronautical University. During World War II, John Paul Riddle’s companies trained thousands of World War II pilots for both the US and Britain, and developed a major air cargo airline.

Quite a long flight path for a daring young man swooping under local bridges.

Sources: http://migration.kentucky.gov/kyhs/hmdb/MarkerSearch.aspx?mode=Subject&subject=10
www.centennialofflight.gov/essay/Explorers_Record_Setters_and_Daredevils/barnstormers/EX12.htm
www.erau.edu/er/abouterau/erauandeaf.pdf
http://jimcal.com/vo3iso1.htm#John


6/27/08

This boxing match got prize fighting banned in WV

[27a. I. If any person fight a prize fight in this State, or act as second or trainer, or time-keeper, or referee, or umpire, to any persons so fighting, or if any person assist or in any way aid or abet another to fight a prize fight in this State, he shall be deemed guilty of a felony, and upon conviction thereof shall be confined in the penitentiary not less than two nor more than ten years.
Chapter 144, section 27a of the
Code of West Virginia
Fourth Edition, 1899

On June 29th of 1899, the boxing match that led to a ban of prize fighting in West Virginia got underway at Fries Park in Parkersburg, WV. The match between local boxer George 'Kid' Wanko and Felix Carr of St. Albans was falsely represented to officials as a boxing contest and not a prize fight. (In the former the gloves must weigh over five ounces and the fight is for points with no purse. In the prize fight the gloves weigh five ounces or less, there is a purse to fight for and the fight is kept up until one of the men is knocked out. The boxing contest lasts only for a certain number of rounds.)

Fight referee J. H. Nightingale later told police he’d been informed the Wanko/Carr fight was to be a twenty round contest, for points only. He’d been approached by E. E. Wright, a saloon keeper of Huntington, who backed and managed Carr. Nightingale said he did not agree to referee until he had talked with Carr, who assured him that there was "no money up and that it was a glove contest for scientific points only."

1899 boxing matchFurthermore, said Nightingale, before the fight began he called the two contestants, Ben Anderson (Carr’s second), Ben Morrison (a Commercial Hotel bartender who backed and trained Wanko), and Wanko’s second to the ring, and asked for the articles of agreement. He said none were produced, and that the contestants agreed with him that it was a friendly twenty round scientific contest.

The fight organizers understood among themselves, however, that the fight was to be for a decision and that the winner should take the gate receipts.

Both men weighed in at 151 pounds. According to the Parkersburg Sentinel, "about two hundred of the sporting fraternity and several women from the lower end of town" attended the fight.

The fight began at 11 p.m. In the second round honors were even. Though the blows were not brutal, they were hard. In the third round, Wanko slipped on the canvas and fell on the floor and rolled under the ropes. In the fourth, Carr was weak and appeared discouraged.

Early in the fifth round Wanko landed a long left-handed blow to Carr alongside the head which sent him to his knees, while he grasped the ropes with one hand and rested the other hand on the floor. The referee counted off the ten seconds. Carr fell forward on his face and made several wobbly attempts to rise. He couldn’t. Nightingale decided in favor of Wanko, and Carr's seconds assisted him to his corner. They rubbed him down, and no one supposed that he was seriously hurt. Moments later he began vomiting and then went into convulsions. His condition was so alarming that his handlers dispatched a messenger for a physician.

But before Dr. W. J. Davidson could arrive Carr’s handlers carried him into a cab and headed downtown to the Commercial Hotel. From midnight, when they placed Carr in a room there, he slipped into unconsciousness, dying an hour later. Wanko was bedside with Carr the whole time. Others interested in the fight were also in the room. Wanko took it greatly to heart and did not make any attempt to escape. He later told police investigators he did not know that the governor had written Parkersburg officials to have the fight stopped, but he was aware that a prize fight would not have been permitted in the city.

In October 1899, Wanko was convicted of manslaughter. Following an autopsy, it was determined that Carr had several health problems that contributed to his death. The charges against Kid Wanko were dropped.


Sources: www.wvculture.org/history/sports/prizefight01.html
www.wvculture.org/history/sports/prizefight02.html
www.wvculture.org/history/sports/prizefight03.html


6/26/08

The man who gave his life to name NC's highest peak

One of the first geologic explorers of North Carolina’s Black Mountains, Elisha Mitchell, gave his name to the region’s highest peak, the one that claimed his own life on June 27, 1857. The Connecticut native was born in 1793 and attended Yale University as a theology student. Mitchell studied the work of Andre Michaux, a French botanist who collected and cataloged over 2,500 specimens in a 1789 trip to ‘la Montagnes Noire.’

Mitchell came to the region in 1825 as part of the North Carolina Geologic Survey. He later taught Chemistry, Mineralogy, and Geology at the University of North Carolina while simultaneously serving as a Presbyterian minister.

In 1827, he first saw the Blacks and commented even then that they seemed higher than Grandfather Mountain, which Michaux had proclaimed as the highest peak in the region. The next year Mitchell climbed Grandfather to better compare the two elevations.

He was certain enough that the Black Mountains were higher that he noted in an 1829 geologic report that he felt the Blacks were the highest peaks between the Gulf of Mexico and New Hampshire’s White Mountains.

Ever the rigorous scientist, Mitchell returned to the region in 1835 to climb the peaks of Roan Mountain, Grandfather, Table Rock, Celo Knob, and Yeates Knob, then finally the steep slopes of the high peak itself. Using barometric pressure gauges and temperature readings, he calculated the crest of the Black Mountains to be 6,476 ft, the highest point in the United States measured at that time.

Elisa MitchellMitchell climbed the slopes for his final time in 1857 in an effort to defend his title as discoverer of the high peak. In September 1855, United States Congressman Thomas L. Clingman ascended several peaks of the Black Mountains and took his own set of measurements. He immediately claimed to be discoverer of the high peak, “Clingman’s Peak,” and published his claim. Upon reading Clingman's claim, Mitchell was determined to defend his own discovery, and the ensuing controversy ultimately cost Mitchell his life.

By this time Mitchell was 62 years old, and his memories of the 1838 and 1844 trips to the region were less than clear. As a result, Clingman was able to use Mitchell’s own accounts to discredit him, and it seemed for a time that he would win the honor of being the discoverer of the high peak. To defend his claims, Mitchell made several trips to the Blacks in hopes of retracing his route up to the summit and re-establishing his claim.

For the 1857 trip, Mitchell went to the peak with a small party that included his daughter, son, and two others. On June 27th he set out alone for the upper Cane River Valley, perhaps to talk to a former guide who lived there. Mitchell hiked to the top of the ridge where he had been in 1835, on the high peak itself, and became lost on his return from the top.

A sudden storm descended and in the darkness Mitchell tried to follow a creek, walking the treacherous rocky terrain. There were no trails, and the terrain is rugged and dangerous, with frequent drop-offs of 20-60 ft. He slipped on the dark ridge above a waterfall and fell forty feet. He hit his head as he fell and drowned in the deep cold pool below.

It was many days before his remains were found by Big Tim Wilson, a noted tracker and hunter familiar with the area. Wilson traced Mitchell's final journey back down the mountain from where he had left the ridge to where Mitchell’s body lay in the water, his watch stopped at 8:19 PM.

The 1881-1882 U.S. Geological Survey upheld his measurement of Black Mountain as the highest peak and officially named it Mount Mitchell.


sources: Diary of a Geological Tour by Elisha Mitchell, Kemp Plummer Battle, Univ of NC, 1905
http://museum.unc.edu/get_page.html?chapter=3&slide=7
http://www.mountaintimes.com/history/1920s/mitchell.php3
http://ncnatural.com/Resources/Adventure/Black-Mtns.html


6/25/08

Artifact looter, or artifact collector?

Edna Lynn Simms’ original photo caption accompanying her portrait of him reads simply: “George D. Barnes, collector of Indian relics, Dayton, Tenn.” Sounds straightforward enough. But it leaves out the shadings about what KIND of collector --- how the man was viewed ethically in the world of archaeologists, collectors, museums, and relic hunters. Collectors of all eras often skirt the edges of the legitimate in their single-minded pursuit of building their collections. Barnes had his admirers, and he had his detractors on that topic.

The University of Tennessee Special Collections Library in Knoxville, TN houses one of Barnes’ collections: the Barnes Collection of Rhea County, which contains marriage bonds, legal documents, and signatures of prominent Tennesseans and North Carolinians documenting the history of Rhea County from 1785 to 1891.

George D. Barnes, Dayton TNTheir website tells us: “George D. Barnes was born in about 1879 in Pennsylvania. His father collected Native American artifacts, and Barnes began accompanying him on his expeditions at a young age. Through these adventures, Barnes discovered his own love of collecting.

“He quickly became a notable collector in his own right, and sold a number of highly regarded collections to private collectors and to such prestigious institutions as the Smithsonian. He also maintained a private collection in Dayton, Tennessee, where he lived for many years.”

And Wesleyan University’s Arachaelogy Laboratory holds in its collection several items thought to be Cherokee, collected by Barnes “with the permission of landowner” in the late 1800’s and sold to A.R. Crittenden in 1899, who in turn donated them to Wesleyan, say the accession papers.

Nor was Barnes a stranger to the professional archaeology world. The TVA began an archaeological survey of Tennessee’s Norris Basin on January 8, 1934. William S. Webb, director of archaeology for TVA, selected Thomas M. N. Lewis as supervisor for the Norris project with George D. Barnes and A. E. Wilkie as field supervisors. The 1934–1936 projects in the Norris Basin identified and excavated twenty-three archaeological sites. The resulting archaeological report (Webb 1938) involved several individuals that would go on to make their mark on archaeology.

Archaeologist Mark Williams of the LAMAR Institute/Univ of GA views Barnes quite differently: “George D. Barnes was a professional artifact looter and dealer from Dayton, Tennessee, who was in business in the 1920s and later. He made a trip to the Shinholser site sometime in 1932 and apparently excavated a huge trench about 200 feet south of Mound A (Patterson n.d.:156).

“This trench was supposedly 150 feet long, 10 feet wide, and 2.5 feet deep. Patterson adds that the work "revealed fourteen human skeletons in fairly good shape; some large pottery urns were also found and the bones and teeth of animals" (ibid). I do not know what else he recovered from this trench.

“There apparently is still a small collection of items at the McClung Museum in Knoxville, Tennessee (Richard Polhemus, Personal Communication) from his work, but I have not examined this collection [ed: The George D. Barnes, Jr. collection].

“This area of the site is now in young pine trees. Although we placed three of our small excavation units in this area in 1987, no visible remains of Barnes' trench were noted then nor was any visible in old aerial photos from the late 1930s. It presumably was backfilled. It is possible that Barnes was responsible for the open trench on top of Mound A.”


Sources: http://dlc.lib.utk.edu/f/fa/fulltext/0019.html

"Archaeological Excavations at Shinholser
(9BL1): 1985 & 1987"

by Mark Williams
LAMAR Institute/Univ of GA
http://shapiro.anthro.uga.edu/Lamar/PDFfiles/Publication%2004.pdf

A History of Archaeology in Tennessee
by Bobby R. Braly and Shannon Koerner
Paper published as part of a synthesis of Tennessee Archaeology, in a graduate seminar at Univ of TN (2008) sponsored by members of the Tennessee Council for Professional Archaeology
http://web.utk.edu/~anthrop/research/TennesseeArchaeology/02_History_of_Tennessee_Archaeology.pdf


6/24/08

Summer pastimes

portrait by Albert J Ewing

Albert J. Ewing was a traveling photographer who worked on a floating studio aboard the Water Queen showboat that cruised the Ohio River. Way's Packet Directory, 1848 - 1994 indicates that the Water Queen operated from 1880-1915. Ewing, who lived in the town of Lowell, Washington County, OH, photographed thousands of residents of southern Ohio and West Virginia, documenting living conditions and family life in Appalachia at the turn of the century. These photographs were taken between 1890 and 1910. The Ohio Historical Society owns about 170 of his photographs.

portrait by Albert J Ewing

portrait by Albert J Ewing

portrait by Albert J Ewing













































6/23/08

The Devil danced on Fiddlers Mountain

During the 1930s and 1940s Rose Thompson worked as a home supervisor with the Farm Security Administration in Georgia. While she worked with farmers and their wives -- teaching them to put up preserves, make cotton mattresses, and build chick brooders -- she listened to the stories they told.

Thompson spent some time during the summer of 1946 in Clayton, in Rabun County GA, where an elderly black preacher told her the tale of Fiddler’s Mountain.

The Reverend, Clayton GA“I had heard that there were very few blacks in Rabun County,” she recounted, “and I knew better than just to go rambling around. So I asked someone at the courthouse if it would be all right for me to go up there, and that person showed me the way to where an old black woman lived. She was nice enough about it, but she was a little vague about why she thought they called it Fiddlers Mountain.

“But she said the Reverend over there, he lived around a bend in the road, would know. She sent for the preacher, and sure enough he could and then they told it together although the preacher did most of the talking.”

“Why do they call it Fiddlers Mountain? Because nothing lives on it except those two musicians---just a fiddling and a swaying as they sit there and play. Any moonshiny night you can see them just a pulling the bow; and if you listen with a keen ear and a fearful heart, you can hear their music.

Bless your time, nobody knows how long they have been sitting there, but they are playing yet---to be sure. It was too long ago that a man came to one of the fiddlers and asked him to play the fiddle for him that night. Come to such and such a mountain. Going to be a big ball. And when night came, the fiddler went up on that mountain and took another man with him.

And when they got up the mountain there, they saw a great big house. Carriages and horses standing around. House all lit up. Laughing and talking going on---men and women all dressed up; women with trail train dresses on. Gave the fiddlers a seat and they went to playing. Every time they went through a cotillion, would come and pay the fiddlers. What a time they had! And just about that time the old Devil pranced in all dressed up and took his seat. They were all dancing and a bold gal walked up to the Devil and asked him to be her partner.

Devil got up and bowed and scraped and led the gal out in the ring. Then he set in to dance. He danced and danced. Cut so many capers that he pretty near danced that poor gal to death. Folks commenced to look at him and saw he had a pewter eye. After a while he cut so many fancy steps, they saw he had a club foot. All quit dancing. But the Devil kept on and danced the gal plumb to death. All the folks fell down on their knees and the Devil went out and took the side of the house with him---a braying like a mule.

And when the clock struck twelve, house went out of existence. House disappeared. House went down like a light going out. Nothing left but the two musicians still sitting up there on the mountain---just a fiddling and a swaying.

Hush, child! Can’t you hear the music?


Source: Hush, Child! Can't You Hear the Music? By Rose Thompson, Charles Allen Beaumont, 1982, Univ of GA Press
The book is illustrated with photographs taken by Thompson and WPA photographer Jack Delano

Rose Thompson was a native of Greene County, Georgia


6/20/08

The unsolved murder of Mamie Thurman

On June 22, 1932, her lifeless body was found where it had been dumped on 22 Mountain, which was then called Trace Mountain. She had been savagely murdered: shot in the head twice, neck fractured, face disfigured and powder-burned, throat cut from ear to ear. Garland Davis, a young deaf-mute, stumbled upon the gruesome scene while picking blackberries. Little did he know that his discovery would lead to sensational headlines, and still have people wondering to this day who killed Mamie Thurman.

Mamie was a housewife in Logan, WV. She and her husband, Jack Thurman, had moved to Logan, from their hometown of Louisville, KY in 1924. Jack and Mamie rented a small two-room apartment over a garage, located in the backyard of the Harry and Louise Robertson home. Robertson worked for the National Bank of Logan, and served as treasurer of the Logan Public Library. His wife was the treasurer of the Logan Women's Club, and both were said to be active church members.

Jack Thurman had worked as a Logan city patrolman for fifteen months prior to his wife's death. He landed his job due to the efforts of Robertson, who was president of the city commission.

Mamie ThurmanSome folks said Mamie had been a good wife, a saintly woman, and a faithful church worker at Nighbert Memorial, a prestigious church near the train tracks at the intersection of Cole and White Street in downtown Logan. Others surely smirked as they murmured across the picket fence that this same lady was a married woman living fast and loose in a small town that could keep few secrets.

Mrs. Thurman allegedly had an ongoing relationship with Harry Robertson and more than a dozen other powerful men in the county.

At about 8:30 on the evening of June 22, Harry Robertson and his black handyman Clarence Stephenson were both arrested and taken to the Logan County jail for questioning. Stephenson had never been married and lived in the attic of the Robertson home. He did many odd-jobs for the Robertson family, but his main duty was to feed and care for Mr. Robertson's dogs. Robertson was a prominent sportsman.

Robertson admitted to police that he had been having an intimate relationship with the deceased woman, and told how he arranged dates with Mrs. Thurman with the help of Stephenson. He would tell his wife he was going fox-hunting, and they would take their guns and drive off in Robertson's Ford. Stephenson would drive him to one of the rendezvous points that Mrs. Thurman knew well.

On July 29 throngs of people started gathering around the Logan court house at six o'clock in the morning. Many Logan County prominent citizens, some who were associated with suspect Harry Robertson, served on the Grand Jury. Robertson said Mamie gave him a list of sixteen men with whom she had illicit affairs. He claimed the list was given to him about a year before the murder, when they both worked at the Guyan Valley Bank.

"One of the men is dead, all except three live in the city of Logan, and all are married but one," he testified. The list of sixteen men who were said to have had sexual relations with Mamie was never made public. Many claimed some of these men were later named to the Grand Jury. Robertson said he continued seeing Mamie even though she refused to stop seeing the other men.

Robertson said the last time he saw Mamie was the day she was killed. He left his house shortly after that to take his children to a swimming pool at Stollings. Later that evening he said he went to the Smoke House to listen to a prize fight with his son, and was home about nine o'clock. His wife later confirmed his statement.

Magistrate Elba Hatfield told the Grand Jury that all the evidence was circumstantial, but claimed it very damaging against both defendants. For that reason he ruled that Robertson and Stephenson should be held to answer any indictments returned by the Grand Jury. The jury ended a four-day inquiry on September 15, and the following day the Logan Banner headlines cried out, "HARRY ROBERTSON NOT INDICTED."

Clarence Stephenson was indicted by the Grand Jury, and stood trial for the murder of Mamie Thurman. According to the Banner, witnesses at the trial accounted for every minute of Clarence Stephenson's time up until eleven o'clock on June 22, when Mrs. Robertson said he went up to his attic bedroom. However, the jury was only out for fifty-minutes before returning with a guilty verdict with the recommendation of mercy, which carried a life sentence. Stephenson’s attorney immediately entered a motion for a new trial.

On November 15, pleas from the Logan County Branch of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) went across the county to raise the six-hundred-dollars needed for the appeal. Fifty-six churches in Logan began taking donations. More than three thousand people attended a mass meeting held at Aracoma High School with both whites and blacks attending. Despite all the efforts, the Supreme Court turned down Stephenson's appeal in 1933.

Stephenson was sent to Moundsville Prison on August 22, 1934. On June 11, 1939, he was transferred to Huttonsville Prison Farm where he died of stomachic carcinoma (stomach cancer) on April 24, 1942. He was buried on the prison farm May 2, 1942 almost ten years after the death of Mamie Thurman.

Norman Sloan, a Logan County resident who spent time in jail and prison with Stephenson, said "He told me he was hired to take the body to 22 Mountain, and that he didn't do anything to Mamie Thurman. He never did say who killed her, but he said that he didn't do it. Stephenson told me it was all politics."

sources: www.geocities.com/Heartland/Ridge/4478/trial.htm
www.ferrum.edu/applit/articles/secretlife.htm


6/19/08

Every coal miner's lunch bucket smelled of the coal mines

"My father walked six miles carrying a bucket and a pick. The bucket was made of tin and in the bottom of the bucket was tea for lunch, and the top of the upper section of the bucket was a compartment for a couple of sandwiches or some fruit and then the lid. Inside the coal mines the temperature never varied, so the temperature that the food was as it was brought to the mines stayed the same temperature. After a short time every coal miner's bucket smelled of the coal mines. You could scrub and scrub and scrub but when you pulled that sandwich out, it smelled of coal.

"Each ethnic group had its own cuisine. The Germans used a lot of pork, and they would have a piece of pork between big slices of rogenbrote, as they called it — rye bread — or schwarzbrote — black bread. They didn't go in for white bread like the Welsh or the Scots or the Irish.

coal miners lunch bucket"I can still see my grandmother with one of those big loaves of bread that — when she sliced it she put it in the crook of her arm and held it with her right hand, and she sliced it off while holding it. The bread loaf was so big you didn't put it on the table, but you held it in your arm and sliced it this way. I never figured out why but that's the way she always did it.

"So that each group developed its own food styles. A very popular one was ham because it was easier to slice and to put into sandwiches, but almost everybody drank tea. I don't know why, but I can still see the coal miners going into the grocery store and buying tea by the pound. It was kept in large canisters on the counter where it would be handy because the store owner knew that would be one of the commodities they would be looking for—it was kept handy for the customers.

"I used to enjoy watching the coal miners around the church picnics, around the church activities, for instance, after a dinner at the church, there would be a lot of cake and cookies left over. Everybody would withdraw discretely and let the coal miners go 'round and pick up the cookies or the cake for the bucket. And we knew o'course that was their treat."


Howard Rees
b. Frostburg MD, 1911
1991 interview with daughter Elizabeth Rees Gilbert
Western Maryland Regional Library collection
Source: www.whilbr.org/itemdetail.aspx?idEntry=2895&dtPointer=5


6/18/08

This was crazier than he could take sober

The Chicken Thumb
A far fetched folktale from NC


Well folks, sit right back and let me tell you a little tale about how Hoopie the farmer and the Rooster named Red went at it one day.

Before I start, it is necessary for me to tell you a little something about Red. Red is one of them Barred Rock roosters. That’s the kind they take to them events called Cock Fights. Now Red was always doing things around the farm that were of questionable nature. To make a long story bearable, he did his job quite well: fertilizing that is. He done it so well that chickens no longer satisfied his insatiable appetite for fertilizing. That’s when the trouble begin.

At first it was Guinea hens that were the object of his desire. That was okay. Then next it was the ducks. That was a little odd but still bearable. It was when he moved up to geese that we began to take notice.

The day Hoopie woke up to Daisy, the milk cow, half mooing half screaming was the day that began as the end, or so we thought.

What happened next is about the craziest thing you ever did see.

Hoopie went running up to the barn to find Red eyeing Daisy in a way that makes your skin crawl, much like when you see a snake crawl up your pant leg. Hoopie commenced to chasing Red. Well Red ran and ran and ran. Hoopie chased that darn rooster for two days. Meanwhile, the weeds were growing up in the fields and the cow was about to burst from lack of milking. Hoopie stopped to milk and weed, then the chase started for another two days.

Something had to give.

The Chicken Thumb folktaleThinking ahead, Hoopie come up with a trap for that darn rooster. He went into his wife Maybelle's closet and picked out a right purty dress that he figured ole Red might find attractive. One thing led to another (you need to use your imagination here) and as Red tried to jump Hoopie, who now was the object of Red's desire, Hoopie swung around and grabbed that dab burn ole rooster around the gizzard.

There was feathers flying, necklaces flying, sqwaking and cursing. When the dust settled, Hoopie was sittin straggle legged on the ground with his wife's wig in one hand and Red in the other.

Hoopie gathered himself and immediately took action. He carried ole Red over to the wood pile where fate awaited.

Now Hoop had a few swigs out of the shine jug before he was able to get into Maybelle's dress and attire. Afterall, this was crazier than he could take sober. So, when the axe swung downward, aim being on the left rooster head instead of the right head, the axe blade cut clean through the fat thumb of Hoopie's left hand.

The Chicken Thumb folktaleRed jumped up with just a knick and began crowing his success. Hoopie jumped up with a bloody stub for a thumb screaming for help. The rest of the thumb just laid there on the chopping block and stared blankly at the scene slightly removed from reality.

Hoopie scooped up the rest of his thumb and yelled for Maybelle. Off they went to the hospital with the thumb in a bucket of ice.

When Hoopie returned home from the hospital he was quite a sight. There he was with the thumb all bandaged up and Maybelle's dress and necklace for clothes with boots not to match. He was beyond mad at this point. All he could see were the looks of the people in the emergency room when he and Maybelle came running in with matching dresses and an apparent bucket of ice.

Well now, what happened next is only as predictable as the sun rising in the morning. Hoopie marched up to the barn and cornered Red in the hay loft. Red more or less knew that what was about to occur was destiny. So, Red went the way of all chickens that meet up with the losing end of a twelve gauge shotgun.


http://www.ibiblio.org/bawdy/folklore/thumb.html


6/17/08

Swift's Silver Mine - lost or merely invented?

"I suppose there is no part of the mountains of Kentucky that has not had some experience in search for this silver mine. Last summer (1921) I was on the train going from Pineville to Harlan, when someone on the train pointed out to me a large cliff on the opposite side of the river that had recently been partly blown away in the search for the silver of this mine.

"It came out in the conversation that some man had come here, probably from the west, and with maps in his possession had located the mine here. He spent much money, time and labor in the futile attempt to disclose it in the cliff.

"James Renfro lived at Cumberland Ford in the early days, 1821 to 1832, and it has been said that the Journal of Swift was left with Mrs. Renfro after the death of her husband. The Renfros came from Virginia, but it may be that another Renfro family figured in the possession of the Journal. I think it probable that Swift never left any money here as he claimed, but evidently he came here searching for silver.

Swift's Silver Mine deedPhoto caption: Swift's silver mine - Jonathan Swift's deed to Peter Hope, England, for the "mine."

"Mr. William Low, of Pineville, in his letter of October 29, 1921, has this to say of Swift's journal: 'I asked Mr. Gibson (Frank Gibson, son of J. J. Gibson) about Swift's journal. Someone told him that there was such a document, but I doubt the fact myself. I never heard of such a document (in fairness to Mr. Low, I might say here that he was not reared in this section but came here as a young man) and I have heard a great deal about Swift's Silver Mine.

'This mine has been searched for in every county in eastern Kentucky and personally I very much doubt whether there ever was such a mine, or that any silver was ever obtained from a mine in Kentucky. Years ago it was supposed that this mine, or at any rate a silver mine, had been found on Clear Creek, and a company of native citizens, John I. Partin and others, and some others whose names I have forgotten, secured patents and organized what they called a mining company, but nothing was ever discovered, in the way of silver ore, on this land.

'I have understood that about Ferndale years ago some persons thought that silver existed and some work was done towards opening a mine at that place, but no silver existed. Since I have been in Bell County, there have been a number of persons here from other places searching for Swift's Silver Mine because every place where it was thought silver existed was at once claimed to be the place where Swift claimed he found the mine.

'I doubt if ever Swift was in Bell County. There is an old survey located in Letcher County which calls for a survey made by Swift, but so far as I know no silver was ever discovered on Swift's survey.'

"The mountain people in the past have been good subjects for the creation of this folk-tale, since no mines have been found that we can trace to Swift. They lived for a century far from railroads in a wilderness of mountain country. They made a living, a bare living in many instances, by the hardest of work. People in this condition dream of wealth and luxury.

"The story of Swift fell into fertile soil of their dreaming minds and became fixed there as a fact. After it became fixed, and no mines could be found, then reasons were invented to account for not finding the silver. Hence, dark caves with heaped-up silver guarded by demons, great kettles of silver deep down in the ground protected by a league of devils, and many other stories grew up around this tradition. What better modern folk-tale could we have?"

source: HISTORY OF BELL COUNTY KENTUCKY VOL 1, by Henry Harvey Fuson, 1939, Bell County Chamber or Commerce
www.bellcountypubliclibraries.org/crm/ky/bell/fuson.html


6/16/08

They tell me I can't pull a flower after there's a park

On June 15, 1934 it all officially came together at long last. Congress’ act dated that day noted that an area of 400,000 acres within the minimum boundary of the park had been acquired, and therefore it established the Great Smoky Mountains as a national park (GSMNP) with sufficient land for administration, protection, and development.

If you thought GSMNP was previously an enormous parcel of pristine wilderness just waiting to be christened a national park, think again! Merely acquiring the land took decades of work and millions of dollars.

By the late 19th century, logging had grown to become a major industry in the mountains. One socially unacceptable side effect was that cut-and-run style clearcutting was destroying the natural beauty of the area. As a response, there was a growing national interest, including from the National Park Service, in establishing a large national park in the southern Appalachians.

Ramsey Cascades, Great Smoky Mountains National ParkPhoto caption: "Ramsey Cascades on the Ramsey Prong." Taken by Albert "Dutch" Roth on June 24, 1934.

However, there was no parcel of federally-owned land large enough. The rolling mountains of forest that now make up GSMNP were then owned by many separate entities, primarily logging interests.

On May 22, 1926, President Calvin Coolidge signed a bill committing the Federal government to administer the land for a national park in the Great Smokies as soon as Tennessee and North Carolina donated 150,000 acres, and to begin park development when the states had donated 423,000 acres. So, though Congress had authorized the park, there was no nucleus of federally-owned land around which to build such a park, and furthermore Congress did not want to spend any money to establish one --- the bill explicitly declared that no federal funds would be used to purchase park lands.

Then there were the current owners of the proposed park land to contend with. The large lumber companies pulled out all stops, first to derail the project and, when that failed, to get the best possible price for their land. The Champion Fibre Company, owners of the largest land holdings in the proposed park, hired famed attorney Charles Evans Hughes to represent them and even bribed a lawyer hired by the Tennessee Park Commission to influence jury selection in a condemnation hearing. The process of taking all five of the major timber companies to court--in the case of the Suncrest Lumber Company to the U.S. Supreme Court--delayed the purchase of land until the late 1930s.

Private citizens from Tennessee and North Carolina pitched in to help assemble the land for the park, piece by piece. In 1927 the North Carolina and Tennessee state legislatures each committed two million dollars in bond funds to purchase land for the park. In 1928 John D. Rockefeller Jr. donated the final five million dollars needed for land purchases.

With the money in hand, the state-appointed commissions faced the daunting task of buying land from over 4,000 individual homeowners who did not want to sell. As one resident put it: "They tell me I can't break a twig, nor pull a flower, after there's a park. Nor can I fish with bait, nor kill a boomer, nor bear on land owned by my pap, and grandpap and his pap before him." Litigation costs and loss of pledge money due to the Depression quickly used up the available funds for land purchases.

The Department of the Interior and its head, Harold Ickes, found ways to circumvent the no-federal-funds-to-be-used proviso. In 1933 President Roosevelt issued an executive order to allocate $1,550,000 to complete land purchases in the park, justifying the expenditure as a means to "enhance the effectiveness and enlarge the opportunity" for Civilian Conservation Corps work in East Tennessee and western North Carolina. When this proved insufficient, Congress reversed its position and appropriated an additional $743,265.29 to secure the required 423,000 acres.

Sources: tennesseeencyclopedia.net/imagegallery.php?EntryID=G041
www.ashevillenc.com/area_info/great_smoky_mountains
http://greatsmokymountains-np.com/great_smoky_mountains_history.html


6/13/08

How Carnival Games Cheat Customers

By Sam Brown
Modern Mechanix
June 1930 issue


Did you ever wonder why you came home from the carnival empty handed? Remember how you tried to ring the bell by hammering the catapult or how you tossed ring after ring trying to win a cane? Swindled? Well, maybe! Read how the operators gimmick their games so that you can’t win. It may save you money or help you win.

CARNIVALS carry with them many devices which are absolutely guaranteed to flatten the pocketbook. There are a score of games—all fixed so that the operator has them under control at all times—all sure things, but not for the benefit of the public.

Perhaps the best known is the paddle wheel. These are often played on the square, the operator depending on getting a full play at ten cents each, and then awarding a cheap prize. All wheels, however, can be altered instantly in order to increase the percentage for the owner. This is usually done by friction. The paddle wheel is controlled by a wire rod which runs up to the hub of the wheel.

Carny barker at workBy pressing a hidden lever, the operator can cause the rod to press against the hub, and thereby stop the wheel on a non-winning number. Technically, these outfits are known as squeeze spindles; and when operated so that every other number calls for a worthless prize they are known as slum spindles. There are many variations of the game. Occasionally it is a simple cardboard table spindle so that its very crudeness seems to warrant its innocence from guile—but—in every case, you will find the hidden lever.

Ever play the bucket game? The idea is to throw balls into the bucket in so many attempts. Try and do it! Every bucket has a turn screw on the bottom, adjusted so that it will positively throw out the ball with which the game is played. Of course, the capper is allowed to win and occasionally the operator gets generous enough to allow some outside person a fair chance of “winning.

There are many varieties of this swindle. One uses but a single bucket mounted in the center of a closely-woven net. The tautness of the net makes it impossible to pocket the ball. In another type the bottoms are hinged so that they can be deflected upwards and downwards. With the bottoms flat, the player has no chance whatsoever, but by pressing a lever, the barker can deflect the bottoms slightly, causing the ball to strike the inside on the rebound and then stay put.

Another game gimmicked is the hoop toss. In this, the prizes are mounted on square pedestals. The player is furnished with wooden rings somewhat like crochet hoops, and with these he attempts to win by completely ringing the pedestal. Of course, he has no trouble in eventually winning one of the slum prizes, but it is next to impossible to ring any of the more pretentious gifts. The reason is simple. The rings are slightly elliptic in shape, so that their smaller diameter is just the least bit lacking. The operator pressing the ring to a more rounded fullness between his thumb and fingers, easily slips it over the prize in question.


Source: http://blog.modernmechanix.com/2008/03/25/how-carnival-games-cheat-customers


6/12/08

The June beetle - capturing a living music box

"From some long-forgotten source, I heard that June beetles made a sweet sound while flying around. I loved music, and the method to acquire this living music box was to fasten a long thread to one of the bug's hind legs.

"Now, June beetles are about half an inch across and three quarters of an inch long. The ones in the South are dark green on the back side and have an armor-like covering over their undersides. They feed on fennel and are harmless.

June Beetle"One day, I chased down a June beetle and brought it in. It was hard to hold. That bug clawed me with its sharp toes and rooted with its sharp nose. But I held on for dear life and persuaded Mother to tie a thread on its hind leg. She wasn't too anxious to oblige me, but finally the job was accomplished and I took my musical bug outside to test it out.

"The ground around the house was level, so I chose a spot where I could turn my bug loose. It gladly took off, and I ran after it, holding on tight to the thread. The bug made a pleasing sound that was music to my ears. The sound that June beetle made—along with the Jew's harp and harmonica—was the one source of music my young ears had ever heard.

"Soon the bug grew tired and sat down. I realized the thread might hamper its movements, so I waited while it rested. Still anxious to hear more music, I urged it to fly. As quick as lightening, the bug took off with me pounding along behind it. I was thoroughly enjoying the performance until the thread slipped off. With mixed emotions, I watched my music box disappear in the distance.

"I felt bad over my loss and set about repairing it. I found another June beetle, but somehow I didn't like this one quite as well as the first one. Just the same, I hurried into the house to have Mother tie a thread on its leg. This time Mother openly expressed her dislike for such activities. Nevertheless, with strong urging on my part, she tied the thread once again. I took the new June beetle outside and let it fly as I had the old one, but the knot in the thread was too loose and slipped off. This bug also flew away, heading due north. It didn’t slacken its speed for even a moment."

From a Parks family history compiled by Lillian "Lilly Ann" Parks Adams (1880-?), at Capitola, CA, 1949-50, when she was 70 years old. She was born in Wayne County, WV, which borders Kentucky and Ohio. The story is to the best of her knowledge as a four-year-old child, and from family retellings.

source: http://ftp.wi.net/~census/lesson43.html


6/11/08

The first car in Crow, WV

First car in Crow WVPhoto caption reads: "First car to Crow, W. Va. Walter Dudley and family of Glen Morgan, Permission Postmisstress at Crow. June 11, 1910"


6/10/08

Petticoat Politics

On June 8, 1948, the town election in Clintwood, VA drew national and international attention when the voters elected an all-female town council and mayor. The Petticoat Government consisted of Mrs. Minnie "Sis" Miller, mayor, and Mrs. Ferne W. Skeen, Mrs. Buena H. Smith, Mrs. Ida M. Cunningham, Mrs. Kate Friend, and Mrs. Marion Shortt, town council.

Letters poured in from around the world wishing them luck and expressing amazement that an all woman government could be elected anywhere. The State Department featured the story in its Voice of America broadcast.

The idea shouldn’t have seemed so far-fetched. It had already happened twice before in US states.

Petticoat GovernmentIn Oregon, women gained suffrage in 1912, eight years before much of the nation, and by 1916 the women of Umatilla, OR took control of city government through their electoral option. Mrs. C.G. Brownell held a card party and the women attending decided what roles each could take in city government.

They did not inform the men of the community and the elections proceeded quietly. Since candidates did not have to declare themselves, E.E. Starcher and C.G. Brownell confidently expected re-election. But the town of 198 people elected Laura Starcher as mayor, Lola Merrick as treasurer, Bertha Cherry as recorder, Florence Brownell, Gladys Spinning, Anna Means and Stella Paulu to council positions.

In her acceptance speech, Laura Starcher promised to provide Umatilla a progressive administration, replace failing electric street lights, install sewers, and clean up the town. The womens' administration accomplished Starcher's promises and more, installing warning signs at railroad crossings, adding a library to the community budget, and framing ordinances for speed limits, parking regulations, and fire protection.

By 1920, the women of Umatilla, "Having accomplished what they had set out to do four years earlier," bowed out of the political scene.

And in 1925, shortly after the 19th Amendment was passed, the voters of Winslow, AR elected an all female government consisting of Mayor Maude Duncan and Council members Lyda Cole, Florence Marley, Audie Crider, Bee Chervery, Daisy Miller, Etta Black, Martha Winn, Virginia C. Dunlap and Stella Winn. It worked so well that every single woman was elected to a second term.

By all accounts, Clintwood's Petticoat Government, which took the reins in September 1948, was highly successful. Miller's administration undertook many important improvement projects, including: clean-up campaigns, expanding parking in town, installing parking meters in the downtown area, purchasing a fire truck, organizing a systematic garbage disposal plan, and improving traffic hazards throughout town. Six of the women served only one term, however, Mrs. Ferne W. Skeen and Mrs. Buena H. Smith successfully sought re-election.

Sources:
www.ccrh.org/comm/umatilla/women.htm
http://homepages.rootsweb.ancestry.com/~mtnties/petticoat.html
www.oldstatehouse.com/exhibits/arkansas-women/organizations/petticoat_politics.asp


6/9/08

The Coon Creek Girls play the White House





Listen to the Coon Creek Girls play "Flowers in the Wildwood"


On the evening of June 8,1939 limousines began to deliver the cream of Washington D.C. society to the East Room of the White House. President and First Lady, Franklin and Eleanor Roosevelt were entertaining King George VI and Queen Elizabeth of England and had arranged a command performance in their honor.

Music for the evening was provided by the finest representatives of American culture, including opera tenor Lawrence Tibbett, classical musician Marion Anderson, pop diva Kate Smith, and Alan Lomax singing Western songs. The evening also featured four energetic young women called the Coon Creek Girls, who would play traditional stringband music and accompany Bascom Lunsford's square dance group from North Carolina.

"Coon Creek Girls was a very happy time. As far as I know, we were the first all-girl string band," recalled band leader Lily May Ledford at Berea College during a 1980 solo performance there. "We startled the audience by being all girls — our sound was drowned out by the uproar of applause and yelling."

The Coon Creek GirlsLedford has been widely recognized in Kentucky and throughout the nation by scholars, musicians, and listeners who have unanimously credited her with bringing the musical culture of eastern Kentucky to the world. She was an inspiration to generations of younger musicians, including Pete Seeger.

Ledford learned to play on an old discarded fiddle formerly belonging to "Gran'pappy Tackett," who was a famous old-time fiddler of the Kentucky mountains, as was her father, White Ledford. She told the story of how she made her first fiddle bow from a willow switch and a generous portion of the tail of "Ole Maudie," "Gran'pappy's" white mare.

In 1936, at the age of nineteen, Lily May left Pinch-em-Tight Hollow, KY to begin her public music career in Chicago, where she joined the National Barn Dance. A year later she ventured on to Cincinnati, where she became a regular on musical promoter John Lair’s newly formed Renfro Valley Barn Dance.

It was here that Lair, an early promoter of women entertainers, encouraged Lily May along with her sister Rosie, Violet Koehler, and Daisy Lange to form the Coon Creek Girls. It was called that "so that people will know at once what kind of music they're going to hear," Lair said. The group made its broadcast debut on October 9, 1937.

How Many Biscuits Can You Eat? was their first number at the White House soiree, featuring Lily May's outstanding five-string banjo, Rosie on guitar, Violet on mandolin, and Daisy on bass, with all four sharing the comical verses. They knew this piece was a favorite of Mr. Roosevelt and had performed it countless times back home in Kentucky and Ohio. Another FDR favorite, Get Along Miss Cindy was planned as well as an English ballad, The Soldier and the Lady, in honor of the royal couple.

Meantime John Lair, in order to get in to see the performance, had to pose as the the bass fiddle carrier for the group. Lily May said they laughed in the back of the limo as Lair lugged the big bass along, "Law, how times has changed, back home he's king, and we're the subjects you know, up here we're riding in the limo, and he's trailing along totin' the bass fiddle—that done us good!"

In 1939, after Koehler and Lange left the band, the Ledfords were joined by their other sister Susie. The high mountain harmonies of the group proved to be an exciting contrast to the sentimental home-and-mother styles of the period. The trio, singing and playing with the true family mountain sound, served as a musical standard for the old-time genre for years to come.

At a time when traditional music was being brushed aside by many in favor of bluegrass, swing, and smooth country crooning, the Coon Creek Girls stepped up to the mike with a fresh, energetic approach to tunes, songs, and instrumental styles that were as old as the hills.


sources: www.nativeground.com/cooncreekgirls.asp
www.wku.edu/kentuckyfolkweb/KYFolklife_Ledford.html
www.talentondisplay.com/renfrovalleyartists.html
www.nea.gov/honors/heritage/fellows/fellow.php?id=1985_05





6/6/08

The Supine Dome flops in a NC field

It was the centerpiece of the Montreal Expo of 1967: Buckminster Fuller's Geodesic Dome, a vaulted structure made of lightweight materials that form interlocking polygons.

Nineteen years before that majestic statement, Fuller, an architect, author, designer, futurist, inventor, and visionary, had gathered a group of students together at Black Mountain College in Bunscombe County, NC to make the leap from theory to reality and construct the first full-scale geodesic dome.

Black Mountain College, established in 1933 by John Andrew Rice, Theodore Dreier and other former faculty members of Rollins College, was the first American experimental college boasting complete democratic self-rule, extensive work in the creative arts, and interdisciplinary academic study.

The faculty and students worked on a farm, did maintenance, served meals, and constructed buildings – no extracurricular activities or sports were organized as it was felt that there should be no distinction between work and play.

This independent, coeducational, four-year college was originally located in buildings leased from the Blue Ridge Assembly, near Black Mountain, N.C. In 1941 the college was moved nearby to property purchased by the college, and it remained at this location until it closed in 1956.

Josef and Annie Albers held central positions at Black Mountain from 1933-49. They arrived shortly after their previous home, the Bauhaus, had been closed by Hitler, and brought with them that institution's emphasis on working from first principles, or starting at zero.

Buckminster Fuller at Black Mountain College, NCIt was Josef Albers who invited Buckminster Fuller, as well as John Cage, Merce Cunningham, Willem de Kooning, and Beaumont and Nancy Newhall to teach at the 1948 summer session. At the time they were all struggling and unknown artists.

Buckminster Fuller's project aimed to produce a dome with a forty-eight foot diameter, a height of twenty-three feet, and an area of fifteen hundred square feet. It was to weigh less than 270 pounds. The students measured long strips of venetian blinds and computed the tensile strength of each unit. Each strip was coded and the points marked where they would meet.

The class began to connect the points on the strips, but the dome collapsed to the ground when tension was applied during its attempted erection. Fuller had said in advance that it probably wouldn’t hold (the materials weren't right), but decided nevertheless to go ahead and complete the class project, blithely referring to the experiment's result as the supine dome.

As Fuller put it, "You succeed when you stop failing," a valuable lesson for the young students. The next summer, working with a slightly larger budget and aluminum aircraft tubing, Fuller and his class succeeded.

The structures slowly filtered into public consciousness and commercial use: Ford commissioned the first commercial one for Dearborn. The military used them widely as radomes for early warning radar.

One of the Black Mountain students, Kenneth Snelson, claims that Buckminster Fuller took credit for Snelson's discovery of the concept of tensegrity. Fuller gave the idea its name, combining tension and structural integrity. Geodesic domes are the most commonly known structures whose composition depends on tensegrity.

Fuller's dome idea was just the tip of his "comprehensivist" thinking. His worldview included everything from his three-wheeled Dymaxion car to a plan to stack hundreds of houses in airplanes and drop them on underprivileged areas. In other words, a cornucopia of global, revolutionary, and completely unrealized plans.


sources: www.bmcproject.org/ARCHITECTURE/CAMPUSES/LAKE%20EDEN/FULLER%201948.htm
www.ibiblio.org/bmc/bmcaboutbmc.html
www.villagevoice.com/news/9912,215261,4551,4.html
www.studio-international.co.uk/reports/black_mountain.asp
Off the Wall: A Portrait of Robert Rauschenberg, by Calvin Tomkins, MacMillan Publ, 2005


6/5/08

She had 9 husbands and 10,000 pieces of glassware

This widow of the South accumulated at least 9 husbands & 10,000 pieces of glass! Chattanoogan Anna Safley Houston (1876-1951) single-handedly amassed thousands of pitchers, creamers, lamps, flasks, jugs, china, tea sets, platters and frilly art-glass baskets. Her collection of pitchers alone is thought to be the largest in the world. "Antique Annie," as she was called behind her back, kept the name Houston in honor of her favorite husband. None of her husbands were wealthy.

In 1904 Houston left her native Alabama to open a millinery store in Chattanooga. She had a brief stint as an antique dealer in the 1920's but ended up losing it in the Great Depression. Houston continued collecting glass throughout her retail career.

Anna Safley HoustonSo what makes Annie so fascinating, a town character to the locals? Annie lived in a barn. After the Depression, the bank foreclosed on her home. Instead of selling her precious glassware, she let the house go and built a ramshackle barn in which to live and store her glassware. When there was a fire in the barn in the late 1940s, those valuable pitchers were used – bucket brigade-fashion – to pour water on the flames, and most of her possessions were saved.

During the last 15 years of her life she lived in virtual poverty, sleeping on a cot with only her dog for a companion. Annie Houston died of malnutrition --- her death certificate says obstructive jaundice--- rather than sell a single piece out of her collection to pay for treatment. Ironic that the glassware was worth a mint, yet its owner died a pauper rather than subject herself to letting go of the only company she kept. It is an art collection that she literally gave her life to preserve.

When, shortly before her death, she went before the city commission to try to give her collections to the city, she was laughed out of the room by commissioners, who thought she was trying to give them a lot of junk. Ultimately, the childless collector did make legal arrangements to leave her 50+ collections in trust to the people of Chattanooga. Today, a century-old Victorian home perched high above the Tennessee River in Chattanooga’s vibrant Bluff View Art District houses Annie Houston’s world.

The Houston Museum of Decorative Arts collection is indeed so impressive that only 10% of the entire collection is shown at the museum, the rest being in the basement. There are literally millions of dollars of glass inside the walls of the museum. The rare glass collections include amberina, plated amberina, Pomona, peachblow, Burmese, cameo, Steuben, Tiffany, cranberry, satin, Quezal, Durand, sandwich and cut glass as well as more than 600 patterns of Early American pressed glass.

There is also a variety of lustre and a large collection of the rarest examples of Staffordshire, Mettlach steins, Rockingham-Bennington pottery, bottles and flasks, original Toby jugs, Meissen, and Rose Canton pieces, mostly in the Rose Medallion and Rose Mandarin patterns. The Houston museum features a room where the glassware hangs from the ceiling, much like it did in that barn.


sources: www.antiquetrader.com/article/Antique_Annie_was_Houston_Museums_eccentric_founder/
www.epinions.com/trvl-review-645E-2F49252E-3A5236FE-prod2
www.thehoustonmuseum.com/history.html


6/4/08

The Cherokee Booger Dance

The annual Cherokee Gourd Artists Gathering convenes this weekend in Cherokee, NC. Gourd design today mainly encompasses the arts and crafts world of vases, pots, and plates, but it has a politicized function in Cherokee history. Highly stylized gourd masks have for hundreds of years been an essential part of the Booger Dance, a charged ritual of reaction against outsider intrusion.

Crafted from large gourds or carved from buckeye wood, the masks represent faces of foreigners, such as Africans, Germans, French, Chinese, or other Indian tribesmen.

The Cherokee also make masks of hollowed-out hornet or wasp nests to personify mean or evil whites, or whites consumed by a disfiguring illness such as smallpox. Dyed with vegetable pigments and decorated with bits of fur to suggest eyebrows, beards, and mustaches, the masks also have decidedly sexual connotations.

For example, a mask might feature a large pendulous gourd for a penis-like nose, surrounded by a base of opossum fur to represent pubic hair. These caricatures of genitalia represent a Cherokee belief in outsiders' obsession with sex.

Cherokee Booger MaskIn 1935 and 1936, anthropologist Dr. Frank Gouldsmith Speck observed performances of the Booger Dance at the Cherokee’s western North Carolina reservation and recorded what he saw.

The Booger Dance contains four distinct components, or "acts." In the first act, according to Speck, after about thirty minutes of social dancing, four to ten or more masked men stamp into the performance area, a room in a private residence, in a state of general mayhem.

They wear simple costumes of ragged European-style garb, sheets, and bed quilts, draped over their bodies and shoulders, and sometimes over the head. Some of the Boogers fall to the floor in feigned convulsive seizures; others mockingly strike and push at the spectators in hopes of clumsily manhandling the women and girls.

The Boogers chase the screaming and giggling females throughout the room, all the while underscored with music, obscenely gesturing by thrusting their buttocks to display gourd phalluses. Speck notes that these phalluses sometimes contain water, which when released obviously imply ejaculation. After completing this first sequence, the Boogers compose themselves and take seats on a board or bench near the wall.

The brief second act begins when the host ("the Driver," since he drives the action of the evening) heralds the strangers' arrival. In whispered Cherokee, the Driver asks the Boogers' leader his group's identity; the leader tells the Driver that they are from a "distant land and going 'north' or 'south'".

The Driver loudly broadcasts the leader's response and then asks what the Boogers want, to which they unanimously reply, "Girls!" More fumbling girl-chasing follows and the women respond with more squealing and giggling. The Boogers then impulsively demand a fight, but in their broken Cherokee they announce they want to dance, unwittingly punning the words "dance" and "fight," which differ in the Cherokee language only in the placement of accent.

At the beginning of the third act, and before the Boogers dance, the Booger leader whispers his mask name to the Driver, who loudly "translates" it. The Booger name follows one of two themes: names of foreigners, such as German, Frenchman, Black or Chinese; or descriptive and obscene names of private parts of the body, such as Black Buttocks, Sooty Anus, Rusty Anus, Big Phallus, and Her [Vagina] Has Long Hairs.

Speck writes that the Boogers then each dance a personal clown dance of "awkward and grotesque steps" resembling "a clumsy white man trying to imitate Indian dancing.” The Booger is a very real threat and not a diluted caricature for the Cherokee to digest more easily. The Booger is, for the Cherokee, a local symbol, corresponding to the universal symbol or archetype water, and it represents Chaos, Chaos capable of annihilating order but also of restoring order.

The Booger's name is taken for the first word of the song and each time the name is chanted, the audience erupts in applause and shouting. After the clown-dances, the Driver invites the Booger leader and his troupe to dance the Eagle or Bear Dance, dances of peace and honor.

The leader whispers his decision (the Eagle Dance, the usual choice) to the Driver and an intermission of five-to-ten minutes follows to prepare for the subsequent dance. The Boogers remain seated on their bench or rush outside for a break.

After the intermission, and before the peace dance, the singers chant a song demanding tobacco for their services. The Driver then fills and lights a pipe, taking a puff for himself. He offers the pipe to the drummer and the singers, who each take a puff. Once all of the musicians have partaken in the smoking ritual, the Driver puts the pipe away.

The Driver then places a deerskin on the floor before the Eagle Killer, whom Speck calls the dramatic star of the evening, indicating the importance of the Eagle Dance and of the eagle itself. The Eagle Killer, as his name denotes, killed the eagle to obtain the feathers essential for the Eagle Dance.

The Driver presents the Eagle Killer with symbolic gifts in honor of his deed. These gifts traditionally included a deerskin (for moccasins), tobacco (to calm the nerves), a knife, lead and powder (for livelihood), and buttons and pins (for the Eagle Killer's female relations). According to Speck, however, by 1936 five cents had supplanted the traditional gifts.

The fourth and, according to Speck, most important act of the Booger Dance proper then begins. The singers chant the song of the Eagle Dance and the Boogers move onto the floor with the Cherokee men who begin to dance the peace dance.

The dancers, impersonating eagles flying higher and higher to escape the hunter's arrows, circle gracefully with their arms outstretched, right hands clutching wands of seven eagle feathers, gourd rattles in the left. In ancient times, the Cherokee carried entire eagle tails, but as the birds became scarce they substituted wands of sourwood (believed to hold power against witches) holding feathers of the sacred number seven.

Cherokee women then join the Boogers in the Eagle Dance, one woman for each masked figure. As the women serenely dance, each carrying an eagle-feather wand in her left hand and nothing in the right, the Boogers advance upon them sexually.
They desecrate the purity of the dance, mocking the hospitality of the Indians, and, for Speck, symbolically mime the cultural "rape" of the Cherokee. They exhibit their gourd phalluses, obscenely bumping and grinding. Unperturbed, the women continue to dance with great dignity.

At the close of the dance, the Boogers boisterously bound for the door. The Boogers make one last grab for an unwary female, but fail to drag off their struggling victim. They run into the night, leaving the spectators in side-splitting laughter. The Boogers then return, sans masks and costumes, as well-behaved Cherokee men, and the social dancing and party continue.


Sources: “Returning to the Sacred:
An Eliadean Interpretation of Speck’s Account of the Cherokee Booger Dance,” by William Douglas Powers, The Journal of Religion and Theatre, Vol 1, No 1, Fall 2002
http://www.rtjournal.org/vol_1/no_1/powers.html
http://www.chattoogariver.org/index.php?req=booger&quart=F2003


6/3/08

Wedding in an amusement park

It's June, and what better place to hold a June wedding than next to a roller coaster? Chester, WV in the early 20th century didn't have 6 amusement parks to choose from, the way nearby Wheeling did. But what it lacked in quantity, it made up in quality. The grounds of Rock Springs Park, close to the Ohio River, could accommodate 10,000 people, and included a carousel, dance pavilion, bath house, lake and large swimming pool. People would come by excursion boats, trains, or automobiles. This amusement park opened in 1898, though the area had long been used for picnics and family outings.

Rock Spring's sumptuous landscaping enticed the park's owner, Mr. C.A. Smith, to build a well appointed new home in 1905 on Pyramus Avenue, overlooking the park. There were often crowds of over 20,000 people at some of the larger picnics. On special picnic days or important holidays, the park had giant fireworks displays. And the free ice cream given away at the Golden Star picnic made that event especially popular.

Rock Springs Park, Chester WVThe back of the photo reads "Public Wedding, Rock Springs Park in 1908."

In the early years, the park was home to three roller coasters. The roller coaster behind the couple is the 'World's Great Scenic Railway,' a wooden coaster operated in the park from from 1907 to 1926. On this ride, the cars were powered up spiral tracks inside the station before beginning a mile-long descent through the forests of the park. Shortly after the scenic railway was erected, it was blown down by a great windstorm and had to be rebuilt. Renamed the 'Cyclone,' this basic out & back style coaster was designed by Harry Baker, opened again in 1927 and scared the bejesus out of its riders until 1970.

Rock Springs Park ride ticketAfter more than seven decades of operation, the park was closed to make way for new approaches to the Jennings Randolph Bridge on U.S. Route 30. On Labor Day 1970, the last crowds departed. In June 1974, more than 1,200 people attended a farewell dance at the park before it all became a memory.


sources: www.wvculture.org/HISTORY/parks/rockspringspark01.html
http://www.wonderfulwv.com/sub.cfm?month=june07&fea=2
http://members.aol.com/somekick/rocksprings.html
www.rootsweb.com/pub/usgenweb/wv/hancock/history/smith.txt



6/2/08

You are now embarking on a perilous course

Representative Joseph Crockett Shaffer(R-9th District, VA) had been a member of the 71st Congress for only 3 months when the De Priest incident made national news. It was June 1929, and First Lady Louann Hoover had refused to invite black Congressman Oscar De Priest’s wife, Jessie Williams De Priest, to the White House to have tea with the spouses of other Republican Congressmen. After De Priest (R-Chicago) publicized the snub, Mrs. Hoover invited Mrs. De Priest to the White House in a highly symbolic event that marked the first time an African American woman had ever been entertained by a First Lady in the official resident of the President.

Racist editorials in both Northern and Southern newspapers called the invitation a social scandal and vilified Mrs. Hoover and the De Priests, but a threatened boycott by Southern legislators’ wives collapsed. Some southern newspaper editors accused Mrs. Hoover of 'defiling' the White House. The Texas legislature went so far as to formally admonish her.

In late June, under the De Priest auspices, a musicale was given at Washington Auditorium to which were invited all Republican members of Congress. With Congress adjourned and Washington DC therefore 'empty,' white invitees had a good excuse to decline. In the crowd of 3,000 only a dozen white faces appeared, of which only one, that of Illinois Representative Richard Yates, belonged to a House colleague. Congressman De Priest announced that he would give another musicale the following winter to test the sincerity of his Republican friendships on the race issue.

Shaffer, refusing the De Priest musicale invitation, warned De Priest: "You are now embarking on a perilous course which will, if you continue, disturb relations which have long been amicably settled in the South."

President Hoover, in his memoirs, said that "the speeches of southern Senators and Congressmen… wounded [Mrs. Hoover] deeply."

Virginia's 9th Congressional DistrictDespite this, Hoover, when he left office in 1933, sent Shaffer a personal letter stating "Before leaving this office I wish to express to you the appreciation I have for the devoted public service you have given these past years..."

Virginia's 9th Congressional District

The De Priest incident and Shaffer's response to it may have irrevocably damaged his career: He was an unsuccessful candidate for reelection the following year. He was reappointed United States Attorney for the Western District of Virginia in 1931, but resigned after only a year in office.


sources: www.whitehousehistory.org/04/subs/images_subs/primary_1929.pdf
www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,732570,00.html?iid=chix-sphere
www.blackpast.org/?q=aah/depriest-oscar-1871-1951
Biographical Directory of the United States Congress
educationforum.ipbhost.com/lofiversion/index.php/t3391.html


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